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Wednesday, May 6, 2015

Climate change deniers in Congress complain about a lack of data while trying to defund NASA’s climate change research

The magazine of the Natural Resources Defense Council

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MORE EVIDENCE! NO, WAIT...LESS EVIDENCE!

Climate change deniers in Congress complain about a lack of data while trying to defund NASA’s climate change research.

 BRIAN PALMER @PALMERBRIAN 1 day ago

The House of Representatives’ Science, Space, and Technology Committee wants NASA to stop talking about climate change. The committee’s recently proposed budget would cut the agency’s earth science funding by $300 million to $500 million per year. That’s money the agency uses to improve climate models, maintain observation satellites, predict the scale and path of extreme storms, monitor the loss of sea ice, and track wildfires. For more than 30 years, NASA has led government research on climate change.
Either this is the first intentionally ironic budget in the House’s history, or the committee members have alarmingly short memories. According to these very same politicians, the current problems with climate change science are inadequate evidence and a lack of certainty. Here is a sampling of comments from some of them (all emphasis mine):
  • Chairman Lamar Smith (R-TX): “Contrary to the claims of those who want to strictly regulate carbon dioxide emissions and increase the cost of energy for all Americans, there is a great amount of uncertainty associated with climate science.”
  • Representative James Sensenbrenner (R-WI): “I think that the science is inconclusive on this.”
  • Representative Mo Brooks (R-AL): “I’m approaching the issue with a healthy degree of skepticism. If the evidence is there to prove it, then so be it.”
  • Representative Thomas Massie (R-KY): “I would challenge [President Obama] toshow us the linkage—the undeniable linkage—between droughts and the change of weather, and some kind of human activity.”
Please pardon my confusion. If these distinguished congressmen are so open to new evidence, so eager to have the climate change “debate” settled by solid data, why do they want to cut funding to the agency most responsible for developing the science? Wait a minute…do you think, just maybe, they don’t want NASA collecting any more evidence, because it might further undermine their “uncertainty” argument and make their science denial even harder to accept? The shamelessness of climate change deniers still surprises me sometimes, even after all these years of lying, disingenuousness, and misdirection.
The House committee took it a step further last week. In his press release announcing the budget, Chairman Smith trumpeted the support of the Planetary Society, a prominent advocate for space exploration. He even went out of his way to note that Bill Nye, one of the world’s most vocal campaigners for climate change action, leads the Planetary Society. How could Nye’s organization support a bill that guts climate change science?
It couldn’t. In fact, the Planetary Society only supports one aspect of the budget: the part relating to space exploration.
“It’s clear my letter was only talking about space exploration,” said Casey Dreier, the Planetary Society’s director of advocacy. “It was clearly too subtle, and we’ve had to aggressively clarify our position.”
Subtlety is generally a mistake in politics. In a blog post published the day after Smith’s press release, Dreier stated unambiguously, “Obviously, the cuts to Earth Science make this a hard bill to support, therefore The Planetary Society cannot support the full bill as written at this early stage.”
Of course, Smith knew Bill Nye and his organization would never support a bill aimed at defunding climate change research. The depressing (although not particularly surprising) reality is that Smith took the Planetary Society’s letter out of context and exploited it.
If this is to be the state of our political discourse, maybe we should pour all of NASA’s money into planetary exploration. Reasonable people might need a place to live.
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Why Screwing Unions Screws the Entire Middle Class

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Why Screwing Unions Screws the Entire Middle Class


Plus: How much income have you given up for the top 1 percent?

IN 2008, A LIBERAL Democrat was elected president. Landslide votes gave Democrats huge congressional majorities. Eight years of war and scandal and George W. Bush had stigmatized the Republican Party almost beyond redemption. A global financial crisis had discredited the disciples of free-market fundamentalism, and Americans were ready for serious change.
Or so it seemed. But two years later, Wall Street is back to earning record profits, and conservatives are triumphant. To understand why this happened, it's not enough to examine polls and tea parties and the makeup of Barack Obama's economic team. You have to understand how we fell so short, and what we rightfully should have expected from Obama's election. And you have to understand two crucial things about American politics.
The first is this: Income inequality has grown dramatically since the mid-'70s—far more in the US than in most advanced countries—and the gap is only partly related to college grads outperforming high-school grads. Rather, the bulk of our growing inequality has been a product of skyrocketing incomes among the richest 1 percent and—even more dramatically—among the top 0.1 percent. It has, in other words, been CEOs and Wall Street traders at the very tippy-top who are hoovering up vast sums of money from everyone, even those who by ordinary standards are pretty well off.
Second, American politicians don't care much about voters with moderate incomes. Princeton political scientist Larry Bartels studied the voting behavior of US senators in the early '90s and discovered that they respond far more to the desires of high-income groups than to anyone else. By itself, that's not a surprise. He also found that Republicans don't respond at all to the desires of voters with modest incomes. Maybe that's not a surprise, either. But this should be: Bartels found thatDemocratic senators don't respond to the desires of these voters, either. At all.
Click here for more charts and graphics on America's plutocracyClick here for more infographics on America's plutocracy.It doesn't take a multivariate correlation to conclude that these two things are tightly related: If politicians care almost exclusively about the concerns of the rich, it makes sense that over the past decades they've enacted policies that have ended up benefiting the rich. And if you're not rich yourself, this is a problem. First and foremost, it's an economic problem because it's siphoned vast sums of money from the pockets of most Americans into those of the ultrawealthy. At the same time, relentless concentration of wealth and power among the rich is deeply corrosive in a democracy, and this makes it a profoundly political problem as well.
How did we get here? In the past, after all, liberal politicians did make it their business to advocate for the working and middle classes, and they worked that advocacy through the Democratic Party. But they largely stopped doing this in the '70s, leaving the interests of corporations and the wealthy nearly unopposed. The story of how this happened is the key to understanding why the Obama era lasted less than two years.
The strength of unions in postwar America benefited nonunion workers, too. Unions made the American economy work for the middle class.
ABOUT A YEAR ago, the Pew Research Center looked looked at the sources reporters used for stories on the economy. The White House and members of Congress were often quoted, of course. Business leaders. Academics. Ordinary citizens. If you're under 40, you may not notice anything amiss. Who else is missing, then? Well: "Representatives of organized labor unions," Pew found, "were sources in a mere 2% of all the economy stories studied."
It wasn't always this way. Union leaders like John L. LewisGeorge Meany, and Walter Reuther were routine sources for reporters from the '30s through the '70s. And why not? They made news. The contracts they signed were templates for entire industries. They had the power to bring commerce to a halt. They raised living standards for millions, they made and broke presidents, and they formed the backbone of one of America's two great political parties.
They did far more than that, though. As historian Kim Phillips-Fein puts it, "The strength of unions in postwar America had a profound impact on all people who worked for a living, even those who did not belong to a union themselves." (Emphasis mine.) Wages went up, even at nonunion companies. Health benefits expanded, private pensions rose, and vacations became more common. It was unions that made the American economy work for the middle class, and it was their later decline that turned the economy upside-down and made it into a playground for the business and financial classes.
Technically, American labor began its ebb in the early '50s. But as late as 1970, private-sector union density was still more than 25 percent, and the absolute number of union members was at its highest point in history. American unions had plenty of problems, ranging from unremitting hostility in the South to unimaginative leadership almost everywhere else, but it wasn't until the rise of theNew Left in the '60s that these problems began to metastasize.
The problems were political, not economic. Organized labor requires government support to thrive—things like the right to organize workplaces, rules that prevent retaliation against union leaders, and requirements that management negotiate in good faith—and in America, that support traditionally came from the Democratic Party. The relationship was symbiotic: Unions provided money and ground game campaign organization, and in return Democrats supported economic policies like minimum-wage laws and expanded health care that helped not just union members per se—since they'd already won good wages and benefits at the bargaining table—but the interests of the working and middle classes writ large.
But despite its roots in organized labor, the New Left wasn't much interested in all this. As the Port Huron Statement, the founding document of Students for a Democratic Society, famously noted, the students who formed the nucleus of the movement had been "bred in at least modest comfort." They were animated not by workplace safety or the cost of living, but first by civil rights and antiwar sentiment, and later by feminism, the sexual revolution, and environmentalism. They wore their hair long, they used drugs, and they were loathed by the mandarins of organized labor.
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OFFICIAL "GLASS WALLS" VIDEO BY PAUL McCartney






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TABERNA BAJA ALI COMMENT ON PACMAN FIGHT 6MAY15




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Shell faces huge task in crafting an enlarged oil group with BG

FINANCIAL TIMES

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One is seen as a sprawling behemoth, the other a nimble buccaneer. For fans of a “small is beautiful” approach to oil and gas exploration, there appears little to love in Royal Dutch Shell’s proposed £55bn takeover of BG Group.
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Shareholder rebels give BG Group a shock over boss Helge Lund’s £31m pay deal

Shareholder rebels give BG Group a shock over boss Helge Lund’s £31m pay deal

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Shareholder rebels give BG Group a shock over boss Helge Lund’s £31m pay deal

By LAURA CHESTERS FOR THE DAILY MAIL

PUBLISHED: 00:20, 6 May 2015 | UPDATED: 00:20, 6 May 2015
BG Group faced a rebellion against boss Helge Lund’s massive pay deal after nearly one in five shareholders at the oil and gas giant’s annual meeting refused to back its remuneration report.
Chief executive Lund, who joined the company on February 9 from Norway’s oil giant Statoil, could be in line for a pay and perks package of £25-£31million if he meets every condition of his bonuses and long term share awards.
The group’s AGM, held at Reading’s Hilton Hotel yesterday, also revealed more than 15 per cent did not back the re-election of Sir John Hood as chairman of its remuneration committee.



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Shell’s Arctic oil setback – unlawful use of Seattle Port

Shell’s Arctic oil setback – unlawful use of Seattle Port

Screen Shot 2015-05-06 at 08.15.01
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Screen Shot 2015-05-06 at 08.21.50The Port of Seattle is violating its shoreline permit in allowing Shell to set up a ‘home port’ for its Arctic oil drilling fleet, according to Seattle officials. The finding could nix Shell’s oil drilling plans for the 2015 season.

By Oliver Tickell: 5 May 2015
Shell’s plans to drill for oil in the Arctic Ocean received what may prove a fatal blow yesterday when the City of Seattle issued its finding that the oil company’s use of the Port of Seattle violated planning laws.
Seattle’s Mayor Ed Murray announced that an investigationcarried out by city’s Department of Planning and Development’s showed that the 20-year old shoreline permit for the Port’s Terminal 5 did not allow its use for as homeport for Shell’s Arctic drilling fleet.




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SHELL CIRCUMVENTED RA 7641

SYNDICATED ESTAFA


MY QUEST FOR SWINDLED 

RETIREMENT PAY BY SHELL



SWINDLING ITO, SYNDICATED ESTAFA


HOT PURSUIT
DUTY OF LAW ENFORCEMENT ENTITIES


SHELL SWINDLING OF RETIREMENT PAY 5TH YEAR

1001counts
SEE BELOW FOR THE 1001ST   TIME THE REITERATION OF DEMAND PAYMENT OF RETIREMENT PAY WHICH SHELL REFUSED TO HONOR IN THE PRESENCE AND DEEMED APPROVAL OF THE HONORABLE MAGISTRATES OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE PHILIPPINES


Dishonest scales are an abomination to the Lord, but a just weight is His delight... Proverbs Chapter 11  v. 1
Retirement Pay Law circumvented by Shell subject to penal provision provided for by Article 288 of the Labor Code of the Philippines.





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