NAV

Wednesday, May 31, 2017

GROSS INEXCUSABLE NEGLIGENCE BY THE SC THIRD DIVISION








ATTY. RAUL QUIROZ DISBARMENT DECISION DATED APRIL 17, 2014
RECEIVED ON 


























The TRUTH will set you FREE.

224TH PERSUASIVE APPEAL_31MAY2017_TO THE SCP JUSTICES : YOU CAN NOT TAKE REFUGE ON THE DOCTRINE YOU HAVE ABANDONED




ATTENTION



SENATOR RICHARD "DICK" GORDON
CHAIRMAN
Accountability of Public Officers & Investigations (Blue Ribbon)

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE CHAIRMAN



GENERAL RONALD DELA ROSA
PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE CHIEF








ATTY. DANTE  GIERRAN
DIRECTOR
NATIONAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION




Tuesday, May 30, 2017

223RD PERSUASIVE APPEAL_30MAY2017_TO THE SCP JUSTICES : THE ATENEAN FACING MARTIAL LAW









FULL SPEECH: Sereno to the Ateneo de Manila University Class of 2017

Published on May 26, 2017

Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno speaks before the Ateneo de Manila University's Class of 2017. 


The Atenean facing martial law

'These are times when everything that can be shaken is being shaken, when institutions are being challenged to their very foundations, and basic ideas of decency and human dignity are being violated with great impunity,' Sereno says during commencement exercises at the Ateneo de Manila

Thirty seven years ago, dear Loyolans, I stood in your place, about to take a place of honor and privilege as a graduate of Ateneo.
Three years later, Ninoy Aquino would be assassinated; by 1986, the dictator Marcos would flee the country. But on my graduation day in 1980, it was difficult to be certain of a future outside of martial law. I was at once optimistic and fearful. Optimistic about my career prospects as any Atenean would be, but fearful lest the long nights of martial law overshadowing our country never end.
I had actually prepared to talk with you in a more lighthearted and general manner on themes of justice, democracy and what it means to be an Atenean, but the declaration of Martial Law and the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in Mindanao this Tuesday impressed upon me a more urgent and specific subject matter. So yesterday I discarded my prepared speech and resolved that today I would try to address the questions that must be in your minds and those of your parents. I thought it behooved me to give you a lens through which you could view present events and make decisions regarding your participation in the making of Philippine history.
Allow me to guess at the questions in your mind: Will this Martial Law declaration bring back the human rights violations and the depredations that characterized the martial law regime of 1972? Will investors leave the country? Will young people still have enough good jobs? Will our labor force be squeezed into more painful contortions of diaspora? Will our voices still be heard? The answer, my dear graduates, is “It depends.”
Our hopes for the future depend on whether the Executive Department, led by the President, the leadership and the entirety of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police, Department of Justice officials and prosecutors, the Chief Public Attorney and her public defenders will take sufficient care to abide by the Constitution and the laws even while Martial Law is in place. It depends on whether there will be abuse of the awesome powers that Martial Law gives the Armed Forces and the police.
It also depends on whether Congress and the Supreme Court will exercise their review powers appropriately over the declaration of Martial Law and the suspension of the privilege of writ of habeas corpus; and whether both houses of Congress and all courts will continue to function normally and well.
It also depends on whether certain independent constitutional bodies, namely the Ombudsman, the Commission on Human Rights, and the Commission on Audit will persist in discharging their proper functions.
Finally, it depends on whether you, my fellow Ateneans, together with the rest of the Filipino population, do your part to ensure that this declaration of Martial Law does not imperil your future.
Allow me to clarify that the powers to declare Martial Law and suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus are expressly granted President Duterte under the Constitution. When properly implemented, this should not by itself unduly burden our country. This power was granted to allow the President to resolve the situation “in case of invasion or rebellion, when the public safety requires it.” There may be questions before the Supreme Court regarding whether this can be extended to encompass situations akin to invasion or rebellion, and what circumstances constitute rebellion, but we will not venture into that for now. Suffice it to say that the Martial Law power is an immense power that can be used for good, to solve defined emergencies; but all earthly powers when abused can result in oppression.
If the Martial Law power is expressly granted the President, why are there fears expressed in some quarters regarding the declaration of President Duterte?
You must understand the history of a previous declaration of martial law, which occurred over forty years ago at the height of President Marcos’ power. Former Chief Justice Claudio Teehankee in Dizon v Eduardo described September 22, 1972 – the night Marcos announced Martial Law – as a dark evening when military authorities moved throughout the city to arrest and detain journalists and members of the opposition, upon orders of the President-turned dictator. Over the next two decades, enemies of the Marcos regime “disappeared,” were tortured or summarily executed.
The fears stoked by the terms “Martial Law” and “suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus,” are therefore not surprising. But we must remember that these apprehensions were created by former President Marcos and the martial law that followed his 1972 declaration. If President Duterte and the aforementioned government authorities avoid the gross historical sins of Mister Marcos and his agents, then our country might reap the benefits of the legitimate use of the provisions on Martial Law in the 1987 Constitution.
You see, the 1987 Constitution in clear and unmistakable language rejects and absolutely prohibits the particular kind of martial law that began in our country in September of 1972.
What do I mean by this? Allow me to refer to the decisions of our Supreme Court and other tribunals regarding the essential characteristics of the martial law dominating our country following its 1972 proclamation.
First, that period was characterized by widespread human rights violations in the form of murders, rape and other forms of torture, forced disappearances, arbitrary arrests and illegal detention, and forced isolation or hamletting of villages.
In the case of Mijares v. Ranada, the Supreme Court described the deep damage dealt to our institutions and the very fabric of our society as follows:
“Our martial law experience bore strange unwanted fruits, and we have yet to finish weeding out its bitter crop. While the restoration of freedom and the fundamental structures and processes of democracy have been much lauded, according to a significant number, the changes, however, have not sufficiently healed the colossal damage wrought under the oppressive conditions of the martial law period. The cries of justice for the tortured, the murdered, and the desaparecidos arouse outrage and sympathy in the hearts of the fair-minded, yet the dispensation of the appropriate relief due them cannot be extended through the same caprice or whim that characterized the ill-wind of martial rule. The damage done was not merely personal but institutional, and the proper rebuke to the iniquitous past has to involve the award of reparations due within the confines of the restored rule of law.”
“All of these forms of torture were used during "tactical interrogation," attempting to elicit information from detainees concerning opposition to the MARCOS government. The more the detainees resisted, whether purposefully or out of lack of knowledge, the more serious the torture used.”
Second, the period of martial law that began in September of 1972 was likewise characterized by its heretofore unprecedented scale of plunder.
The case of Presidential Commission on Good Government v. Peña described the rule of Marcos as a "well-entrenched plundering regime of twenty years,” with respect to “the ill-gotten wealth which rightfully belongs to the Republic although pillaged and plundered in the name of dummy or front companies, in several known instances carried out with the bold and mercenary, if not reckless, cooperation and assistance of members of the bar as supposed nominees.” The Supreme Court in that case “noted the magnitude of the regime's organized pillage and the ingenuity of the plunderers and pillagers with the assistance of experts and the best legal minds in the market.” The ill-gotten assets identified so far by both the Presidential Commission on Good Governance and the Solicitor General are valued at approximately $5 billion.
Third, the martial law following the proclamation of 1972 was extremely oppressive, concentrating power only in Mister Marcos and his group. At one point, the Supreme Court, quoting Chief Justice Teehankee, characterized the time as “a return to the lese majeste when the voice of the King was the voice of God so that those touched by his absolute powers could only pray that the King acted prudently and wisely.” The dictator amassed so much power as the Commander-in-Chief, that he was able to take “absolute command of the nation and… the people could only trust that he would not fail them.”
We know what happened. Marcos failed our people. Those of us who were alive at the time bore witness to the human rights atrocities and the corruption caused by such absolute power.
Fourth, the martial law period of 1972 put the Philippines in an economic tailspin that saw us go from the second most vibrant economy in Asia to its sick man. In Marcos v. Manglapus, the Supreme Court noted that excessive foreign borrowing during the Marcos regime stagnated development and became one of the root causes of widespread poverty, leaving the economy in a precarious state. In Republic v. Sandiganbayan, the Court described the economic havoc created by the authoritarian regime in this manner:
At the time that the government of former President Marcos was driven from power, the country's debt was over $26 billion; and the indications were that "illegally acquired wealth" of the deposed president alone, not counting that of his relatives and cronies, was in the aggregate amount of from five to ten billion US dollars, the bulk of it being deposited and hidden abroad.”
​These are only a few excerpts from some of the many decisions of the highest court of the land that memorialize for all of history the atrocities committed during the era heralded by the 1972 declaration of martial law. They may not be the most heart-rending of accounts due to the necessary haste with which I compiled them, but I encourage you to do further reading on these and similar cases. These excerpts together with unrefuted historical accounts are a testament to our country’s resolve to never again allow ourselves to return to those dark and terrible times.
Thus the 1987 Constitution clearly says:
​A state of martial law does not suspend the operation of the Constitution, nor supplant the functioning of the civil courts or legislative assemblies, nor authorize the conferment of jurisdiction on military courts and agencies over civilians where civil courts are able to function, nor automatically suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.
As we face the days following President Duterte’s declaration of martial law in Mindanao, it behooves us to ask what we can do in the present, with the time that is given to us, to ensure that the horrors of martial law that followed the 1972 declaration do not happen again.
For if being an Atenean means anything, it is that each of us – individually, and as a member of the Ateneo as an institution and a community – bears a great deal of responsibility for the well-being of this country. And this responsibility entails leading not by possessing power for power’s sake, but by sacrificial example, by dying to ourselves and taking up our crosses daily. If power is to be granted to an Atenean, then such power must be exercised the way Christ exercised his leadership, by being a servant first, to the Father, and to His brothers and sisters.
These are times when everything that can be shaken is being shaken, when institutions are being challenged to their very foundations, and basic ideas of decency and human dignity are being violated with great impunity. These are times more than any other that will sorely test the Atenean’s capacity to distinguish right from wrong and the Atenean’s ability to act in service of what is right, and true, and good.
Do not be discouraged, for you are well-equipped for the challenges of these times. You only need to look within and around you and reflect on the Atenean principles inculcated in you over the years – Magis, or the constant pursuit of improvement and excellence, for difficult times require extraordinary people.
Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam, AMDG! All for the greater glory of God – for these are times when our faith will be tested, our paths will be dark and full of shadows, and only by surrendering all our actions to God may we continue towards the light.
One Big Fight! More than a cheer used in our basketball games, One Big Fight embodies the wholehearted passion and dedication that must fuel all our actions.
But the most fundamental Atenean value today is that of being a person for others. To be an Atenean is to serve – compassionately, selflessly, with unceasing dedication. To be an Atenean is to constantly continue the work of addressing others’ needs; to think broadly, not merely in terms of impact on one’s self, but impact on one’s community and country.
To be an Atenean is to deeply and completely understand that it is in service to others that our lives take on their full meaning. To be an Atenean is to forsake a life of self-centered safety for a life of service.
To be a person for others is to commit to a just and noble cause greater than oneself.
Given the present day, when the possibility of history repeating itself looms imminent, no cause requires your commitment as much as the cause of human rights, justice, and democracy, themes you have aptly chosen.
For today, people’s fundamental human rights and freedoms, the core of our democracy, face grave and blatant threats. The culture of impunity is on the rise. People are pressured to favor the easy choice over the right choice: expediency over due process; convenient labeling over fairness; the unlawful termination of human life over rehabilitation.
You need to make a stand, dear Ateneans. And to make a stand you must act. More than merely ruminating on the idea of justice, I call on each of you to confront the common injustices of our society and seek to address them. I urge you to speak out with truth even against the overwhelming tide of popular opinion and reach out to the oppressed and disenfranchised. When you face threats to the sanctity of human rights or the stability of our democracy, give your all to protect these freedoms. Give your all to protect our nation and our people.
Stand up and give One Big Fight!
As I stated in my speech to the lawyers in the Integrated Bar of the Philippines National Convention last March 23, we are not fighting a person or an establishment but a culture, a pattern that pervades our society today. It is a pattern of apathy, rage, and despair: one that began when people learned to tolerate wrong, stopped hoping, and ceased caring.
I understand that the task before you is immense, but I have no doubt you are more than up to the challenge. For you have been honed over your years in the Ateneo to fulfill your calling in extraordinary ways.
That is why I do not feel only hope when I look at you – my heart is filled with grateful gladness. Throughout the countless calamities that have struck the country, Ateneans have always been among the first to respond and help. Unstintingly and without hesitation, Ateneans have reached out, time and time again, to complete strangers – giving of themselves to people they may never even meet.
Last year, when the history of our nation was subjected to attempts at revision, you were among the first to speak up. I saw young men and women from the Ateneo spill out into the streets, furious and indignant, speaking up against this distortion of our history and reaching out to show fellow Filipinos that they were not alone. As a fellow Atenean, I understood that this passionate outpouring of righteous anger sprang from a deep understanding of what it means to be a person for others.
Know that being a person for others and standing for human rights, justice, and democracy are one and the same. To stand for human rights is to value others’ freedoms as much as you value your own. To stand for justice is to oppose any attempts to value one group’s freedoms more than those of others. To stand for democracy is to love your country and your people so fully that you will act to ensure democratic processes are followed despite great personal cost. To stand for all of these is to sacrifice yourself so that others may know freedom, safety, and all the fullness of life.
Know that you are not alone. You will not be alone. Have the courage to stand.
My prayers are with you, young Ateneans. As you face this crossroad and move on to a new chapter of your lives, may the Lord bless and keep you; may He make His face shine on you and be gracious to you; may the Lord turn His face towards you and give you peace.
Mabuhay kayo, class of 2017! Make us proud! – Rappler.com


ATTENTION



SENATOR RICHARD "DICK" GORDON
CHAIRMAN
Accountability of Public Officers & Investigations (Blue Ribbon)

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE CHAIRMAN



GENERAL RONALD DELA ROSA
PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE CHIEF








ATTY. DANTE  GIERRAN
DIRECTOR
NATIONAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION




Monday, May 29, 2017

222ND PERSUASIVE APPEAL_29MAY2017_TO THE SCP JUSTICES : YOU ARE EITHER WITH OR AGAINST ME







ATTENTION



SENATOR RICHARD "DICK" GORDON
CHAIRMAN
Accountability of Public Officers & Investigations (Blue Ribbon)

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE CHAIRMAN



GENERAL RONALD DELA ROSA
PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE CHIEF








ATTY. DANTE  GIERRAN
DIRECTOR
NATIONAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION



Friday, May 26, 2017

BREAKING NEWS :FIRE BROKE OUT AT ISLA REFINERY


IMAGE CREDIT : ROYAL DUTCH SHELL / CURACAO FOR 91 DAYS



Breaking news: Fire breaks out at Isla refinery.

IS ENRILE TRUSTWORTHY? : THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN TRUTH AND FALSEHOOD


RESEARCH  STUDY FROM 





It is September 22, 1972. Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile is on his way home to the posh Dasmariñas Village in Makati on this spookily silent Friday night. His car is part of the convoy which includes his bodyguards. All of a sudden, the nocturnal stillness is shattered. From nowhere, gunfire bursts. It comes from a speeding car that races away. The targeted car, now stationary, is riddled with bullets. It is Enrile’s car. Luckily, he is inside the car of his security aide. And they are unharmed.
[Image above shows the bullet-riddled car of Juan Ponce Enrile]
Moments after, which is around nine, Ferdinand E. Marcos, the president of the land, signs a proclamation that places the entire nation under Martial Law. Marcos has considered the attack on his defense secretary as the last straw that broke the camel’s back. Enough is enough. Hours later, all opposition politicians and press people, including known government critics, are rounded up and thrown into prison. In the wee hours of the next morning, all media establishments are seized and closed. There is a blackout of news as to what is happening all through the day.

  [Image above shows the newspaper headline about Martial Law]
Sunday morning is afloat with silent rumors. It is not until three in the afternoon when Press Secretary Francisco Tatad goes on air both on television and radio to declare that Marcos has issued Proclamation No. 1081 which has placed the Philippines under Martial Law.
Enrile goes on to discharge his main task: to implement Martial Law on behalf of his superior, President Ferdinand E. Marcos.
Fast-forward to February, 1986.
It is Saturday, the 22nd of February. Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and Lt. Gen. Fidel V. Ramos and their handful of close military supporters are holed up in Camp Crame, the sprawling military compound along EDSA in Quezon City. They have just proceeded there after news reached them that they would be arrested by President Ferdinand E. Marcos. They are now holding a media conference where Enrile said he had broken away from Marcos. “I am bothered by my conscience,” he says. According to him, Marcos is not the genuine winner of the just concluded snap presidential polls. In his province alone, he was ordered, which he duly complied with, to cheat presidential candidate Corazon “Cory” Aquino (widow of slain opposition senator Benigno S. Aquino) out of 300,000 votes. “What I am doing today is an act of contrition,” says the 62-year-old Enrile. He says that the alleged attempted assassination of himself some fourteen years ago was stage-managed. It was a fake ambush, in other words. “Had I known martial law would be used to suppress our people, I would not have supported it,” he ruefully claims. Enrile knows what is at hand. Marcos still controls the military. Anytime from now, the forces loyal to the president may come. He knows his end is near. And he is resigned to such fate. Thus, he declares, “The hour of reckoning is here for me now. At least I will die with a clean conscience instead of serving this illegitimate regime. For me, it is more honorable now to die fighting this regime than to die fighting for it.”
 [The news about Juan Ponce Enrile's "act of contrition"]
 [The news about the falsity of the attempted assassination of Juan Ponce Enrile]
Sunday night, the 23rd of February. Inside Malacañan Palace, the NBC’s “Face the Nation” crew is conducting an interview with the ailing 68-year-old President. “The moment we hit them, they will be wiped out…We are in control of probably 98 or 99 percent of the military,” cockily declares Marcos. He has just declared a state of emergency in light of the revolt of his two top men, Defense Secretary Enrile and Lt. Gen. Ramos, the deputy chief of the armed forces and his relative.
Earlier that day, Marcos has gone on air on television in a special address where he demanded the immediate surrender of the rebels or he would send “the tanks and guns on them to wipe them out.” This has sent shivers to the rebels.
But then, something out of the ordinary happens. The people start to rise. They go out, thousands upon thousands; no, they are millions, and they march toward the military camp where Enrile and Ramos have barricaded themselves. They defy the military forces trying to approach. They rant against Marcos, the dictator, and chant, “Co-ree, Co-ree!” It is the start of EDSA I, the “People Power Revolution.”
In a matter of days, Marcos and his family will fly out of the land. It is the end of his two-decade rule. Cory Aquino is installed as the first woman president of the Philippines.
Fast-forward to September, 2012.
It is a virtual who’s who in the Philippine scene. The affair this Thursday evening is one for the books. President Noynoy Aquino is there. So are former Presidents Fidel V. Ramos and Joseph Ejercito Estrada. Then too is the former First Lady, Imelda R. Marcos, widow of former strongman Ferdinand E. Marcos who died in 1989 while in exile in Hawaii.
 [Image above is courtesy of the Philippine Daily Inquirer]
Presently, the man in focus is the elderly statesman in Philippine politics. Juan Ponce Enrile. He is the Senate President. He is 88 years old, yet still sharp and brilliant. The place is in the posh hotel, The Manila Peninsula. It is September 27, 2012. The event is the launching of his memoirs, a 754-page autobiography which Enrile has jointly written with one Nelson A. Navarro, one of those against whom Enrile had issued an arrest order way back in August, 1971, for alleged complicity in the Plaza Miranda bombing in Manila.
President Aquino, son of former President Cory Aquino, is the main speaker of the event. He says that Enrile’s memoirs would “allow future generations not just to explore other perspectives; it empowers (them) to avoid the errors of the past.” Part of his speech is thought-provoking; he says: “We will be held accountable to our Maker for this. But we will also be held accountable to human history, and here the often-misquoted words of Edmund Burke come to mind. We are familiar with the saying, ‘For evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing.’ What he really wrote, I understand, was this, ‘When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall, one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.’”
The words re-echo to the listeners in the jampacked hall. All good men must associate to fight off the wicked men. Else the good are bound to fall, one by one. It will be a contemptible struggle.
We presently find this contemptible state of affairs before us—the contemptible struggle between truth and falsehood.
What is truth? This was the question asked by Pontius Pilate some two thousand years ago. It is a question which only honest men can answer. Who amongst us can answer what is truth?
For more than two decades, or twenty-two years to be exact, we believed the truthfulness of this remark by Juan Ponce Enrile. He said that his 1972 ambush was a fake one. It was a statement more than a solemn oath; it was a statement Enrile made out of a sense of impending death. He knew how ruthless Ferdinand Marcos was. He knew how wicked Marcos was. He was Marcos’s second hand man.  He knew that turning against Marcos was unforgivable. And he knew that by rebelling against Marcos, he was to meet the supreme penalty of death. Which was why Enrile spoke in front of the people, saying, “What I am doing today is an act of contrition.” And so, he asked forgiveness for having taken part in the staged ambush on that fateful night of September 22, 1972. The audience in 1986 when Juan Ponce Enrile admitted the fakery of his 1972 ambush was not only the Filipino people; rather, the whole world heard his admission, his confession.
Yet, now, in his memoirs, Juan Ponce Enrile is telling us the opposite. He says that, and I quote from the news from thePhilippine Daily Inquirer, “the ambush was real and took place in Wack Wack Subdivision where ‘a speeding car rushed and passed the escort car where I was riding. Suddenly, it opened several bursts of gunfire toward my car and sped away.’” The report further says: “Enrile says his political opponents spread word that the ambush was faked to justify the imposition of martial law.”
For twenty-two years, that is, from the time Enrile made his confession, which was “an act of contrition,” using his own words, in 1986 up to the present time, this statement stood out as truth: The 1972 Enrile ambush that precipitated the declaration of Martial Law was fake.
And this truth erased from our consciousness the falsehood that the 1972 ambush was real. A falsehood that had stood in existence for fourteen years (from 1972 to 1986) had finally been cast off to oblivion.
It is a case of truth prevailing over falsehood. Which should be the case. Which should be the natural order of things.
And so, us, the Filipino people went on to live our lives knowing that truth is and will always be with us.
Then, suddenly, something extraordinary springs out. Falsehood is trying to mount a resurrection. Though buried six-feet under the ground for more than two decades, falsehood appears to have gotten back its life and wants to protrude back into the surface; it wants to knock truth out of the picture; no, it wants to “bump off” truth, to efface truth from the face of the earth.
Is this now a case of falsehood triumphing over truth? Has the world turned upside down? Has the world gone insane?
Who amongst us would want falsehood to be victorious over truth?

Would you?

I am reminded of what then Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's Presidential Spokesperson Ignacio Bunye had said way back in 2003 when he warned “rabble-rousers” against any attempt to create chaos on May 1, 2003, the second anniversary of the EDSA II Revolution that toppled former President Estrada from his post. Bunye was reacting to what Juan Ponce Enrile (an Estrada ally) had claimed about the alleged plot which the Arroyo government was planning purposely to cause turmoil and blame it on the opposition. “Look who’s talking,” Bunye said over a radio interview. Recalling that Enrile faked his own ambush in 1972 which led to the imposition of Martial Law, Bunye remarked, “We believe that people don’t have short memories. We know that (Enrile) himself spread the canard of false ambushes and he’s really adept at such practices.”
Could the “canard of false ambush” successfully make a resurrection?
Could it?
Update: On October 8, 2012 (Monday), the Philippine Daily Inquirer came out with a news article entitled True or false: Was 1972 Enrile ambush faked? which can be accessed via this link:http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/284836/true-or-false-was-1972-enrile-ambush-faked. A screen grab of the news article is shown below:





SHELL CIRCUMVENTED RA 7641

SYNDICATED ESTAFA


MY QUEST FOR SWINDLED 

RETIREMENT PAY BY SHELL



SWINDLING ITO, SYNDICATED ESTAFA


HOT PURSUIT
DUTY OF LAW ENFORCEMENT ENTITIES


SHELL SWINDLING OF RETIREMENT PAY 5TH YEAR

1001counts
SEE BELOW FOR THE 1001ST   TIME THE REITERATION OF DEMAND PAYMENT OF RETIREMENT PAY WHICH SHELL REFUSED TO HONOR IN THE PRESENCE AND DEEMED APPROVAL OF THE HONORABLE MAGISTRATES OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE PHILIPPINES


Dishonest scales are an abomination to the Lord, but a just weight is His delight... Proverbs Chapter 11  v. 1
Retirement Pay Law circumvented by Shell subject to penal provision provided for by Article 288 of the Labor Code of the Philippines.





CONTENTS

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