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Showing posts with label IN THESE TIMES. Show all posts
Showing posts with label IN THESE TIMES. Show all posts

Monday, September 21, 2015

Behind the Business Attire, Many Bank Workers Earn Poverty Wages

THURSDAY, AUG 27, 2015, 12:16 PM

Behind the Business Attire, Many Bank Workers Earn Poverty Wages

BY MARIO VASQUEZ




A new campaign is looking to organize the surprisingly poorly paid workforce. (myfuture.com / Flickr)  
Walking into a bank, a customer is usually interacting with a teller dressed in business attire. The clothing gives the impression of relatively high, stable wages, maybe even a comfortable perch somewhere in the middle or upper-middle class. But the collared shirts and pressed slacks may be hiding the reality: a significant portion of customer service workers in the retail banking industry make salaries low enough to make public assistance necessary.
The Committee for Better Banks (CBB), a Communications Workers of America (CWA)-affiliated community and labor coalition, was created in 2013 to put an end to that. Cassaundra Plummer, a Maryland-based CBB member currently employed as a bank teller at TD Bank, told In These Times, “A lot of the issues within the banks are not discussed, they’re kept really quiet. As a young woman, I always thought that working at a bank was more of a prestigious job than retail. Once I actually got into banking, I realized that it’s not a whole lot different.”
The CBB, which has grown from eight lead members in April to approximately 60 in six different states today, with thousands more either engaged through petition signing or attending rallies. CBB is hoping to expand and create a critical mass of organized workers by bringing these issues out in the open. 
A study released by the National Employment Law Project (NELP) early this month shored up CBB claims, finding that 30.4% of the 1.7 million retail banking employees across the country—more than 500,000 workers—are paid less than $15 an hour. Nearly three-quarters of low-wage bank workers are bank tellers, 84.3% of which are women.
Another report, published by the UC Berkeley Labor Center last year, found that these low-wages led 31% of bank teller families toward enrolling in public assistance programs (compared to 25 percent of the entire workforce). “The cost of public benefits to families of bank tellers is nearly $900 million per year,” says the report.
Though it was labeled an “occupational winner” by the Bureau of Labor Statistics for its 84% throughout its growth in the 1970s, the introduction and proliferation of automated teller machines helped put the brakes on that, leading to a projected 1% growth over the next decade. As Timothy Noah noted for Slate in 2010, banks tellers earn “slightly less than [they] did in 1970,” putting the job at the center of wage stagnation that has become common-place throughout the middle class, especially within the context of expectations of higher productivity.
CEO compensation and executive pay indeed remain at worrying heights. The NELP report found that CEOs of Wells Fargo and Bank of America made amounts equal to more than 500 times the annual earnings of an average bank teller. Stephen Lerner, the architect of SEIU’s famed Justice for Janitors campaign, summed up the wealth disparity among bankers at the top and bottom of the pay brackets in a 2010 New Labor Forum article, writing, “We could increase pay by $2.00 per hour and provide employer-paid health insurance for over 550,000 tellers with just 3.6 percent of the bonuses paid out to executives.”
“The constant focus on making more forces the people working in the bank to take on more work, but we’re being paid the same amount,” says Plummer. “We’re not expecting to become wealthy off of entry-level positions. But the corporations make a lot of money off of the things that we do—the sales goals, and all that we have to do to create wealth for the bank. It should be reciprocated back to the employees.”
By shifting traditional banking services toward automation, low-wage bank workers such as bank tellers and personal bankers have also become the frontline for pushing financial products on to customers in an effort to increase profits. The pressure of sales quotas imposed by management and executives at the top keeps low-wage bank workers under more scrutiny than ever before. Customer service employees in retail banks must not only attempt to hook patrons onto core retail banking services like checking and savings accounts, but must also resort to hawking mortgages and credit cards in ways CBB organizers say can be predatory. Tellers risk termination if they fail to meet quotas for such products.
“Wells Fargo creates an environment of hostility and humiliation. Multiple times I witnessed management behaving in a condescending fashion to those who did not meet ‘goals’ even though their customer service was excellent. Wells no longer cares about customer service or the best interest of their customers; they are only looking to push products and most of the time they are unnecessary products,” one bank employee told the Committee of Better Banks when they surveyed 5,000 workers for the aforementioned study at the group’s conception.
According an April 2015 report by the Center for Popular Democracy, since 2011, 17 different lawsuits across the top five banks in the country (JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, Citigroup, Wells Fargo, and US Bank) have been settled for nearly $46 billion, “highlighting a range of alleged illegal and unethical business practices.”
A 2013 Los Angeles Times investigation reported that the pressure of sales goals, which increase U.S retail banks’ profits, has led some bank workers to commit fraud, forging signatures, opening secret checking accounts with fees attached, or even credit lines for customers in order to keep up with their sales goals. This has led to lawsuits from customers and even cities decrying the rigid and unfair sales culture fostered by the banking industry. When these practices become public, banks fire employees and managers in alleged attempts to uphold ethical finance.
But as Khalid Taha, one of the first Committee members in California, currently employed at Wells Fargo in San Diego, describes it, the “impossible” sales goals come from the top and workers ultimately have no other option. “They fire the entry level employees which is us, but if you think about it, yes we are responsible for it, but we are also victims,” says Taha. “We have to keep our jobs, pay our rent. We have no way but to go a little bit shady when we deal with our customers because the company wants to meet their quota. They don’t care how.”
Beyond low pay, CBB has been working to connect these pressurized work environments to their detrimental effects on the economy caused by the bank’s business practices.
The top four retail banks in the country (JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, Citigroup, and Wells Fargo), part of the too-big-to-fail banking institutions that some, like presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders, have called to be broken up, now collectively possess assets equivalent to 45% of the U.S economy, a slight increase than what it was in 2008 before that year’s financial crisis.
Lerner, who is currently advising CBB as a fellow at the Kalmanovitz Initiative for Labor and the Working Poor at Georgetown University, told In These Times, “This campaign is different from many union campaigns that say ‘our sole goal is winning better conditions for workers.’ Those campaigns are important, [but] in this case we’re saying that you can’t win better conditions for workers unless you reform the industry—and you can’t reform the industry unless workers are helping reform it.”
At an April 2015 rally in Minnesota where they delivered 11,000 signatures on a petition calling for an end to sales goals, the Committee for Better Banks released a proposed bill of rights for bank workers. One of the planks of the bill addresses what they say is community suffering at the hands of banks: “We must eliminate unreasonable sales goals or performance metrics that force us to push unnecessary products on our customers. We are here for our neighbors—for the child who opens his first savings account, for the newlywed couple planning ahead to retirement, for the senior citizen opening a credit card. We want to be honest brokers of your financial security, and that means an end to pressure tactics that only serve to line shareholders’ pockets.”
“We’re at the very beginning of a baby-steps campaign to build working support for the idea that we need to do two things, and that come simultaneously: We need to address how bank workers unfairly—low pay, etc., but we need to connect with how the finance industry behaves is bad for the overall economy,” Lerner says.
In 2010, Lerner was launching SEIU’s new plan to organize bank workers. Mike Elk described that effort as emanating from his realization that banks influenced the rest of labor organizing through its close connections to the pensions and investment banks that intertwined with financial decisions made not only by workers but their communities, as well.
At the time, fellow journalist Steve Early told Elk, “[Successful organizing] require[s] a long-term commitment that few unions are willing to make, even when dealing with a strategic multinational target that’s not going away.” Lerner left SEIU later that year under disputed circumstances, and his work organizing bank employees was abandoned by the union.
CEO and President of union-owned Amalgamated Bank, Keith Mestrich announced in early August that the bank’s employees would be making at least $15 an hour under their new collective bargaining agreement. He told Buzzfeed, “We think it’s the right thing for our bank to do, and frankly we think it’s the right thing for all banks to do. … If any industry in this country can afford to set a new minimum for its workers, it’s the banking industry.”
But in the rest of the nonunionized retail banking industry, CBB, like the Fight for 15 and OUR Walmart, will be agitating for improvements.
“It was a little bit scary at the beginning, but we have to do it. If we don’t talk then the banks will do whatever they want to do,” says Taha.
The Communications Workers of America is a sponsor of In These Times. Sponsors play no role in editorial content.


Mario Vasquez is a writer from Santa Barbara, California. You can reach him at mario.vasquez.espinoza@gmail.com.


The TRUTH will set you FREE.

Sunday, August 2, 2015

The Anti-Union Bosses’ Group Fighting Fast Food Organizing Is Now Going After Home Care Workers


(Department of Labor)

The Anti-Union Bosses’ Group Fighting Fast Food Organizing Is Now Going After Home Care Workers

Can workers centers and unions create a movement strong enough to fight back?
BY MARIYA STRAUSS, POLITICAL RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
shared from

For-profit home care employers are taking federal dollars and using them to hire workers at subminimum wages—with virtually no public accountability.
The home health aide in scrubs pushing a client's wheelchair up the ramp from street to sidewalk may appear to have little in common with a cashier at McDonalds or Pizza Hut. But chances are, the company that employs the home care attendant is part of the same type of national franchise structure that the burger giant and other fast food companies use. And just as it has for fast food corporations, the industry’s lobbying outfit, the International Franchise Association(IFA), is suing on behalf of home health corporations to keep workers’ pay low.
The IFA has already emerged as one of the primary opponents of the Fight for 15, the SEIU-backed movement that advocates for a $15-an-hour minimum wage and the unionization of fast food workers. Wherever employers lash back against the Fight for 15, the IFA is there: helping McDonald’s argue to the National Labor Relations Board that it is not responsible for franchisees’ wage theft and workplace abuses; trying to block a new rule at the NLRB that would speed up the union election process; suing to suppress Seattle's recent minimum wage increase to $15 per hour.
“The [Seattle] ordinance is clearly discriminatory and would harm hard-working small business owners who happen to be franchisees,” railed IFA President and CEO Steve Caldeira after the groups’ argument failed the first round in court. “Those who have set out to destroy the long-accepted, time-tested and proven franchise business model must be stopped.”
And now, the IFA is suing the federal government in an attempt to keep home health aides from earning the minimum wage and overtime pay.
Profiting from care
Instead of selling burgers or pizza, for-profit home care staffing agencies such as BrightStar sell the care, companionship and feeding services that seniors and people with disabilities once typically received in a nursing home. Many people, such as Rosa Hendricks, who was profiled in a 2011 National Public Radio series that examined the benefits of home care versus nursing homes, prefer to live at home. Hendricks put it this way: “It makes you feel so much better and know that you are somebody.”
“[Home-based care] is preferable to nursing home care for many reasons. But we have gotten it on the cheap,” says Eileen Boris, a women’s studies professor at the University of California/Santa Barbara. Taking advantage of a Jim Crow-era loophole in federal labor law known as the “companionship exemption,” companies like BrightStar can legally pay the nearly 2 million home care workers in the United States at less than the minimum wage (as little as the market allows), and have the option to not pay overtime.
Like agricultural workers, another then-mostly African-American sector, home care workers were carved out of the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) (which set wage and hour protections for nearly all other workers) and again when Congress amended the FLSA in 1974. Home care workers can be paid less than the $7.25 per hour federal minimum wage and aren't entitled to overtime pay in roughly half of the 50 states.
Such low wages have a profound impact on home care workers. “I’m not able to save anything,” says 53-year old Marilyn Blackett, who has been a homecare worker in Brooklyn, New York for the past 14 years. “I try not to ask family members [for money]. You don’t let people know what’s happening to you.”
Since the mid-20th century, Boris says, “the structure of the [home-care] industry was built in part on this exemption.” According to an August 2014 study in Health Affairs, the majority—62 percent—of the home care industry consists of for-profit franchises. It’s a lucrative model: the industry rakes in $84 billion a year, with median revenue for a single franchise at around $2 million, according to one industry study.
The relatively low start-up cost of home health care franchises (around $150,000 or less, compared with around a half million dollars to start a fast food franchise), combined with the cheap labor, has triggered a home-care boom.
Franchisors such as BrightStar, run by CEO Shelly Sun (who also serves as IFA treasurer), are taking advantage of this burgeoning demand. Sun and her husband and business partner, as Sarah Jaffe wrote recently in Dame magazine, have boasted that they “had no medical, home-care, or health-care experience when they started their business, and that would-be franchisees need none either.” Franchisors and franchisees leave such health care expertise to the actual home care attendant—the person who lifts the client, helps her eat, mops up her messes, reminds her to take her medication, reads to her, takes her to the grocery store.
What’s more, federal dollars are flowing to these for-profit staffing agencies. In most states, the person receiving care can pay for it out of his or her Social Security check—or have it paid for by Medicare or Medicaid. “It was the availability of hiring people using federal monies … that allowed the franchise industry to blossom,” says Boris.
In other words, for-profit home care employers are taking federal dollars and using them to hire workers at subminimum wages—with virtually no public accountability.
“For-profit home care agencies are bleeding Medicare,” Steffie Woolhandler, a professor at the City University of New York’s School of Public Health and senior author of the Health Affairs analysis toldModern Healthcare magazine in August 2014. And lack of regulatory oversight means quality of care also suffers. Woolhandler and her co-authors concluded that, “Overall, it appears that proprietary (for-profit) home-care agencies deliver slightly lower-quality care at a substantially higher cost.”
David Weil, head of the U.S. Department of Labor’s Wage and Hour Division, recognizes that action is needed to reverse this race to the bottom. In September 2013, his agency issued a final rule to close the companionship loophole. The home care industry promptly sued Weil, with the IFA as one of the lead plaintiffs. The case, Home Care Association of America v. Weil, is now in federal court; the DC Circuit Court of Appeals has expedited the case and could issue a decision at any moment. In the meantime, the exemption remains in place.
With the U.S. senior population projected to reach 88.5 million, or 20 percent of the total population, by 2050, the demand for home care services is on the rise. The job of home health aide is now the third fastest growing occupation in the United States, according to Forbes. If the IFA and home health companies are able to persuade the courts to keep the companionship exemption, CEOs like Sun will see their profits grow while workers remain in poverty.
A common foe
With home care workers and fast food workers facing a common enemy, the question arises: Can they join and create a single movement for workplace justice in the franchised economy?
Two separate, non-traditional worker organizing campaigns are underway in the fast food and home care industries. But the franchised structure of these industries presents unique challenges for workers who may wish to actually form labor unions: it isn’t always clear whether the franchisor (the brand) or the franchisee (the storefront owner/operator) is responsible for setting wages and workplace conditions. 
What’s more, home care workers are in some states explicitly prohibited from forming labor unions—and where they can form unions, the Supreme Court last summer ruled in Harris v. Quinn that the workers cannot be required to join or pay the fees that would keep the union running. Because of these and other challenges, the two campaigns—SEIU's Fight for 15 for the fast food workers and the coalition-based Caring Across Generations for the home care workers—focus more on advocating for worker-friendly policies and regulations than on unionizing these growing workforces.
That said, SEIU is forging ahead with organizing fast food workers through Fight for 15, using short-term strikes to protest and raise awareness about the need for a living wage and the right to unionize. Domestic workers, with their solitary shuttling between clients' homes, have historically been a tough group to bring together. But the National Domestic Workers’ Alliance (NDWA) and the SEIU have been organizing them in recent years, with some success. NDWA is an alliance of over 40 local domestic worker groups that organize domestic workers for expanded rights and dignity on the job, and push for laws to improve rights for domestic workers at the local, state and federal levels. Both groups say their campaigns aim to raise wages and benefits for the entire industry.
NDWA and its partners have won legislative victories on a Domestic Workers' Bill of Rights in New York, California, Oregon, Hawaii and elsewhere by building common cause with home care clients. With its Caring Across Generations campaign, NDWA has formed regional and state-based coalitions with the families of the elderly people and people with disabilities that home care workers serve.
NDWA founder and director Ai-Jen Poo says that Caring Across Generations is building a counterforce to the franchised home care industry's unscrupulous pursuit of profit over quality care.
“In it​s own complaint, the IFA said that their mission is to ‘protect, enhance and promote franchising.’ You have to ask, should a trade association like this be determining the future of homecare for millions of workers and consumers?”
As an alternative to the franchise system, workers’ organizing efforts are starting to include developing more worker-friendly models of employment, such as worker-owned cooperatives. Jaffe writes that in New York, “worker-owned Cooperative Home Care Associates has more than 2,000 worker-owners who make $16 an hour (more than twice the federal minimum wage) plus benefits and have a guarantee of working hours.”
Home care workers are already organizing through Caring Across Generations, and SEIU’s participation provides a national infrastructure that could allow Fight for 15 and home care workers to join forces to challenge the IFA. SEIU's own home care and fast food campaigns began in April to link up with a series of teach-ins and protests in SEIU Healthcare's Midwest region, and such solidarity actions could extend to other regions in the future.
But these are only beginnings. As Maria de Fatima Moscani, a Mineola, New York home care worker with 14 years on the job, says: “Something has to be done about low pay, and the money is there. This is not acceptable at a human level. The cost of living is skyrocketing, food is up, and rent is so much. How can we live?” With a juggernaut of major franchised brands moving against home care workers' rights, another question surfaces: Can fast food and home care workers create a movement powerful enough to fight back against the corporate forces up against them both?
Kelsey Howe and Jacey Rubinstein contributed research to this article. A condensed version of this article appeared in the August 2015 issue of In These Times under the title “Treating Old People Like Hamburgers.”


Mariya Strauss is an economic justice researcher with Political Research Associates. A Maryland-based freelance writer, her investigative journalism and commentary have been published in The Nation, at the GlobalComment blog, The Public Eye magazine and elsewhere. You can follow her on Twitter at @mariyastrauss. You can read her other stories for In These Times here.



The TRUTH will set you FREE.

Wednesday, June 3, 2015

Why Labor Should Get Behind Bernie Sanders in the Primary Elections

WEDNESDAY, MAY 27, 2015, 12:13 PM

​Why Labor Should Get Behind Bernie Sanders in the Primary Elections

BY STEVE EARLY

Bernie Sanders during his 1981 campaign mayor of Burlington, Vermont. (Vermont Press Bureau)  
This post first appeared at Jacobin.
When I first met Brooklyn-born Bernie Sanders, he was a relatively marginal figure in his adopted state of Vermont. It was 1976 and he was running, unsuccessfully and for the fourth time, as a candidate of the Liberty Union Party (LUP).
Liberty Union was a radical third party spearheaded by opponents of the Vietnam War who had, like Sanders, washed up in the Green Mountain State as the sixties subsided. At its historic peak, the LUP garnered maybe 5 or 6 percent of the statewide vote for some of its more presentable candidates—in short, nothing like the winning margins racked up in recent years by the far more savvy and effective Vermont Progressive Party, which now boasts a ten-member legislature delegation and attracts growing union support.
During Sanders’s quixotic mid-1970s bid to become governor of Vermont, I accompanied him to a meeting of local granite cutters, teamsters and electrical workers. This was not a “flatlander” crowd, nor one dominated by full-time union officials. His audience was native Vermonters, some of them Republican, who were still punching a clock at local quarries, trucking companies and machine tool factories in an era when the future home state of Ben & Jerry’s and Vermont Teddy Bear Co. still had impressive blue-collar union density.
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SHELL CIRCUMVENTED RA 7641

SYNDICATED ESTAFA


MY QUEST FOR SWINDLED 

RETIREMENT PAY BY SHELL



SWINDLING ITO, SYNDICATED ESTAFA


HOT PURSUIT
DUTY OF LAW ENFORCEMENT ENTITIES


SHELL SWINDLING OF RETIREMENT PAY 5TH YEAR

1001counts
SEE BELOW FOR THE 1001ST   TIME THE REITERATION OF DEMAND PAYMENT OF RETIREMENT PAY WHICH SHELL REFUSED TO HONOR IN THE PRESENCE AND DEEMED APPROVAL OF THE HONORABLE MAGISTRATES OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE PHILIPPINES


Dishonest scales are an abomination to the Lord, but a just weight is His delight... Proverbs Chapter 11  v. 1
Retirement Pay Law circumvented by Shell subject to penal provision provided for by Article 288 of the Labor Code of the Philippines.





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